A declaration by the Representatives of the United
Colonies of North-America, now met in Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth
the causes and necessity of their taking up arms
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason to
believe, that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human
race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power over others, marked
out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination
never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of
these colonies might at least require from the parliament of Great-Britain some
evidence, that this dreadful authority over them, has been granted to that body.
But a reverence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates
of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that
government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be
administered for the attainment of that end.
The legislature of Great-Britain, however, stimulated by
an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know to
be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and desparate
of success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had to
truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their
cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have
thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason
to arms. -- Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage
for unlimited domination, so to slight justice and the opinion of mankind, we
esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to
make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of
Great-Britain, left their native land, to seek on these shores a residence for
civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of
their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they removed,
by unceasing labor, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in
the distant and inhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and
warlike nations of barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with perfect
legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown, and an harmonious
intercourse was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which they
derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time
so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed, that
the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm, arose
from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and successfully directed the
measures of Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that these
colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. -- Towards the conclusion of
that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. --
From that fatal moment, the affairs of the British
empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of
glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and
abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions, that now
shake it to its deepest foundations. -- The new ministry finding the brave foes
of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the
unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and then of subduing her
faithful friends.
These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a
state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of
statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and
respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous,
and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in
the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament,
could not save them from the meditated innovations. -- Parliament was influenced
to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the
course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and
consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects
of acquiescence under it.
They have undertaken to give and grant our money without
our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our
own property; statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts
of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of
the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting
both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies;
for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for altering
fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and secured by acts
of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the
"murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from
punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms
of Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and
for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has
also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain
offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.
But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By
one statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right make laws to bind
us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so
unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or
is subject to our controul or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of
them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not
diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually
lighten their own burdens in proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the
misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and
ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated
with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
Administration sensible that we should regard these
oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to
enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but it
was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of
delegates from the United Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth
day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition
to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of Great-Britain. We have
pursued every temperate, every respectful measure: we have even proceeded to
break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the last
peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should
supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered ourselves, was the
ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shewn, how vain was
this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies
were inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was a
decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and
to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses among a
bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in their
address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time
actually existed within the province of Massachusetts-Bay; and that those
concerned in it, had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations
and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the other
colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that he would take the most
effectual measures to inforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the
supreme legislature." -- Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole
colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other, was cut off by an act of
parliament; by another several of them were intirely prohibited from the
fisheries in the seas near their co[a]sts, on which they always depended for
their sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately
sent over to general Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and
eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguised peers, and commoners,
who nobly and stren[u]ously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even
to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled
outrages were hurried on. -- Equally fruitless was the interference of the city
of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favour.
Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to establish
a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against colony, all of
them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus to extort from
us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to
gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the miserable
indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What
terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors
to conquered enemies? in our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve
them.
Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived
on this continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken
possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, and
still occupied it [as] a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that
place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the
inhabitants of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the
affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and soldiers
of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others.
From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where
they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing
several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people
suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced
by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them without regard to
faith or reputation. --
The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that
town by the general their governor, and having, in order to procure their
dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said
inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own magistrates, should have
liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly
delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the
obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the governor
ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be preserved for their
owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the
inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to
leave their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands,
children from their parents, the aged and sick from their relations and friends,
who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have been used to live in
plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.
The general, further emulating his ministerial masters,
by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the
grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies,
proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels
and traitors, to supersede the course of the common law, and instead thereof to
publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial." -- His troops
have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burned Charlestown, besides a
considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized;
the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his
utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him.
We have received certain intelligence, that general
Carleton, the governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and
the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but little reason to apprehend, that
schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part
of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the
vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of
fire, sword, and famine. We are reduced to the alternative of chusing an
unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by
force. -- The latter latter is our choice. -- We have counted the cost of this
contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. -- Honour, justice,
and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from
our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive
from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding
generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely
entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal
resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtably
attainable. -- We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine
favour towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into
this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had
been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of
defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we
most solemnly, before God and the world, *declare*, that exerting the utmost
energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed
upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in
defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverence, employ for
the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen
rather than to live slaves.
Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our
friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we
mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted
between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has not
yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other
nation to war against them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious designs
of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight
not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of
a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even
suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet
proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.
In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that
is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it --
for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of
our fore-fathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken
up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the
agressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not
before.
With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme
and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly implore his
divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose
our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve
the empire from the calamities of civil war.
By order of Congress
John Hancock
president